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Pakistan is one of the most
dangerous states in the world today, many observers have
postulated, with the spread of militant Islamic radicalism
threatening total destabilization in a nation armed with nuclear
weapons. The US government has taken the position that it is
better to support the dictatorship of Pervez Musharraf, deemed a
“moderate” and regarded as a strong “ally” in the US “war on
terrorism,” than to risk the spread of radicalism and perhaps
even the possibility that the Taliban or al-Qaeda might get
their hands on Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal. Thus, the US
government has remained fully committed to its support for
Musharraf, even as he has declared a state of emergency and
attempted to consolidate his power by suspending the
constitution and suppressing his political opposition.
The threat, though perhaps exaggerated, is real. But the choice
presented, between supporting a dictator or allowing terrorists
and radicals to overrun the country, is a false one. Pakistan is
certainly in a state of crisis today, but to present the
situation in such a framework, where democracy is necessarily
sacrificed for security, is to specifically preclude the
possibility for a solution that would both mitigate the threat
of terrorism and help foster the growth of democracy. Such a
solution is possible, but US policies are decreasing the
likelihood that it could ever occur.
The radical and terrorist elements in Pakistan represent a
minority, and moderates in favor of democratic reforms are far
greater in number. Although members of the Taliban and al-Qaeda
fleeing to Pakistan as a result of the US’s war in Afghanistan
were initially welcomed by many Pakistanis because of shared
opposition to the US war, the growth of strict, Taliban-style
interpretation of Islam has resulted in many local populations
now being oppressed by those whom were initially regarded as
guests. These Pakistanis now long for an end to the radical
militancy that has flooded their towns, as well as for an end to
a dictatorship that they feel doesn’t represent them or act in
their best interests.
So, while the White House is correct to point out that the
solution for the present crisis in Pakistan is for the country
to make efforts to implement democracy, this is the very
solution that is effectively precluded within the existing
framework for discussion accepted by government officials and
media commentators. The framework consists of a false dichotomy
and fails to acknowledge that the US itself is largely
responsible for creating the present state of affairs. By
accepting a framework which rejects this embarrassing and
inconvenient truth, the possibility that we might actually learn
from our past actions and their consequences is also precluded.
As a result, the options presented for the best way forward are
extremely limited and will serve not to precipitate positive
change, but only to maintain the status quo.
In order to be able to make an intelligent decision about what
direction to take from here, it’s essential to recognize where
the present day threat of radicalism and terrorism had its
roots—widely known but rarely regarded as remarkable in critical
analysis of the present situation.
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There
still remains some controversy over the real reasons the U.S. went
to war in Iraq. The official reasons for the war, that Iraq had WMD
and threatened to supply them to terrorist organizations, namely
al-Qaeda, intent upon using them against the U.S., have long since
proven to be false and we may dismiss them. We know much in
hindsight that we did not know at the time, but the fact is that no
credible evidence was presented at the time to support the claims
being made and the available facts contradicted the Bush
administration's case. Hence, a campaign of deception was
necessarily orchestrated against the American people in order to
create a false pretext to invade Iraq.
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Ramifications of the proposal to add Iran's Revolutionary Guard
to the list of terrorist organizations
This
month saw yet another escalation of the U.S. policy of isolating
and pressuring Iran as the White House announced its intention
to add Iran's Revolutionary Guard to the State Department's list
of terrorist organizations. There is something to be learned
from this about the nature of U.S. foreign policy if we care to
examine the implications; and the ramifications of such a
decision could be quite serious and potentially deadly, so it
warrants a look.
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Existing U.S. policy and its
peaceful alternative
There
is a very narrow and rigidly defined framework within which
discussion of U.S. policy towards Iran is confined in political
discourse and mainstream media. This framework effectively
precludes the possibility that there could be a change of
foreign policy which would produce more positive results than
the present status quo, policies which at best are
counterproductive and at worst could have disastrous
consequences both for the U.S. and Iran, with repercussions that
could extend throughout the Middle East. An alternative
framework is possible, but it requires the dispensation of
certain attitudes and myths and a reevaluation of the facts
concerning U.S. policy towards Iran.
An article from the July 21 issue of The Economist provides a
useful example for analysis in that it contains all the basic
elements of the existing framework. The gist of it is by now a
familiar story; Iran is ruled by unreasonable madmen intent upon
constructing nuclear weapons to use against Israel and the only
option, as discomforting and undesirable as it may be, is the use of
military force to compel Iran to obey the rules set by the West. The
present framework is conducive towards that end while effectively
precluding alternative courses of action.
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Honored by Hatred
Elite Propaganda and U.S. Policy in
the Middle East
A
recent
op-ed in the Washington Post offers an instructive example of elite
opinion towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the kind of
logic, or lack thereof, which guides U.S. policy.
Richard Cohen, in an article entitled, "They Honor Us With Their
Hate", begins by reminding his readers of news that on September 11,
2001, "the Palestinians were cheering the deaths of about 3,000
innocent people in America".
He then proceeds to explain that this was "before America's
retaliatory invasion of Afghanistan or the war in Iraq", before
"Guantanamo became shorthand for abuse of the president's
constitutional authority and before the outrage of Abu Ghraib"; "In
other words, the demonstration by Palestinians (in the Lebanese
refugee camp of Shatila) preceded most of the usual reasons given
for why America today is held in contempt by much of the world."
Cohen informs his readers that he's been to Shatila and mentions
Israel "allegedly abetting the 1982 massacre of Palestinians in the
Sabra and Shatila refugee camps by Lebanese Christian forces." He
notes that "The Palestinians have been mistreated by just about
everybody, including, of course, their own inept and often corrupt
leadership."
"Still," he continues, "the chief reason for the cheering on Sept.
11 was U.S. support for Israel. Sometimes that support has been
mindless and sometimes it has been over the top, but fundamentally
it is based on certain truths." Among these "truths", is that
"Israel is a legally sanctioned state, created by the United Nations
in 1948", Iran and "a host of militant organizations—Hamas,
Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad and, of course, al-Qaeda—fervently wish for
Israel's destruction." Cohen then adds that "There is no way the
United States could appease these groups and not, in the process,
trample on its own moral values. Israel on occasion is wrong—and the
settlements are an abomination—but its existence is right."
Although the Bush administration has "made matters worse", "in a
way, America has little choice about being hated in some parts of
the world. The United States is never going to be truly popular as
long as it insists on adhering to certain principles."
In conclusion, Cohen writes, "It's always nice to have friends.
Sometimes, though, it's more honorable to have enemies."
In short, while Israel is sometimes in the wrong, we must support
that country out of principle and should hence feel a sense of honor
for adhering resolutely to our "principles" rather than seeking to
"appease" Israel's enemies, even when doing so causes them to hate
us as well.
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Lessons From the U.S. Stance Towards
Iran
Prior
to the military invasion of Iraq in 2003, the government and media,
for whatever various motives, had engaged in a propaganda campaign
that effectively deceived the American people on a massive scale.
The propaganda continues to this day, such as the implausible denial
that there ever was such a campaign and the fabricated myth that
there was an "intelligence failure" leading up to the war. But the
propaganda isn't limited to Iraq. Iran has become a major focus of
U.S. propaganda efforts. That this state of affairs continues
demonstrates the failure of the American people to learn the most
obvious lessons from the course of events that led us to be in Iraq
in the first place.
One front in the propaganda
war is to blame Iran for the situation that exists today as a result
of U.S. actions. Iran, we are told, supports the resistance against
the U.S. occupation and is intent upon destabilizing the country. We
are told this at the same time that it is acknowledged that Iran's
best interests lie in maintaining friendly relations with the
current Shiite-dominated government of Iraq. No attempt to reconcile
the contradiction is ever made.
The basic framework for present debate concerning Iran is founded
upon the assumption that any Iranian involvement in Iraqi affairs is
illegitimate and wrong. The legitimacy of our own actions is
unquestionable, and it's accepted as an axiom that, though we may
make mistakes from time to time, our presence in Iraq is one of
benevolence. The U.S. waged a war of aggression, "the supreme
international crime" as defined at Nuremberg, inflicting death and
destruction upon the country and resulting in almost total
destabilization (Iraq was recently ranked second only to Sudan in
Foreign Policy's annual failed states index). But, still, the U.S.
is basically good and her intentions benign; and no one must ever
question that basic assumption.
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The US Propaganda
Campaign Against Iran
The
US government has stepped up its rhetoric against Iran this week
with a presentation held in Baghdad designed to support the claim
that, as worded by President Bush last month, "Iran is providing
material support for attacks on American troops." US officials said
that weapons were being smuggled into Iraq by an elite unit of the
Iranian Revolutionary Guard known as the Quds Force on orders
"coming from the highest levels of the Iranian government." But, as
the Washington Post observed, "The officials offered no evidence to
substantiate allegations that the 'highest levels' of the Iranian
government had sanctioned support for attacks against U.S. troops."
That conclusion was an "inference", and the defense analyst present
acknowledged the inconclusiveness of the evidence, saying, "The
smoking gun of an Iranian standing over an American with a gun, it's
never going to happen."
The
reason for the buzz, as the Post also accurately noted, was
that, “Although the administration has made many assertions about
Iran’s nuclear program, its role in Iraq and its ties to groups on
the State Department’s terrorism list, the U.S. government has never
publicly offered evidence proving the allegations.” The presentation
was the first attempt by the government to offer what it regards as
evidence to substantiate the claims being made.
Read more...
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